{"id":4715,"date":"2024-05-10T06:14:33","date_gmt":"2024-05-10T06:14:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/octopusinstitute.com\/?p=4715"},"modified":"2024-05-10T06:14:33","modified_gmt":"2024-05-10T06:14:33","slug":"kosovo-and-the-western-balkans-security-order-after-banjska-policy-recommendations-from-the-octopus-institute-for-hybrid-warfare-studies","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/octopusinstitute.com\/hr\/kosovo-and-the-western-balkans-security-order-after-banjska-policy-recommendations-from-the-octopus-institute-for-hybrid-warfare-studies\/","title":{"rendered":"Sigurnosni poredak Kosova i zapadnog Balkana nakon Banjske: politi\u010dke preporuke Instituta Octopus za studije hibridnog ratovanja"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Napad srpskih nacionalisti\u010dkih paravojnih snaga u Banjskoj, na sjeveru Kosova, koji je rezultirao smr\u0107u jednog kosovskog policajca i ranjavanjem jo\u0161 dvojice, predstavlja najozbiljniji primjer nasilja u zemlji od zavr\u0161etka rata 1999. godine i popratnog NATO-a. intervencija.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>U Banjskoj vidimo demonstrativan dokaz da Beograd ima obnovljenu volju upotrijebiti nasilje za oblikovanje politi\u010dkih uvjeta u susjednim dr\u017eavama. Izravna umije\u0161anost srpskih dr\u017eavnih sigurnosnih slu\u017ebi u napad \u2013 kroz njihovu navodnu opskrbu oru\u017ejem i streljivom, kori\u0161tenjem njihovih objekata za pripremu napada i poznate veze napada\u010da s vi\u0161im e\u0161alonima srpskog vodstva \u2013 zahtijeva zna\u010dajnu reakcija prijestolnica Kvinte i vlastite vlade Kosova.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Sljede\u0107e izvje\u0161\u0107e iznosi pet politi\u010dkih preporuka za odgovaraju\u0107i odgovor na doga\u0111aje u Banjskoj, osiguravaju\u0107i prije svega da Beograd ne\u0107e riskirati daljnju eskalaciju nasilja. Vjerodostojne posljedice i uspostava uvjerljivih kapaciteta odvra\u0107anja u Pri\u0161tini klju\u010dni su za osiguranje stabilnosti Kosova i cijele regije Zapadnog Balkana. Ako se srpskim nacionalisti\u010dkim elementima dopusti da vjeruju da je nasilje opet dopu\u0161teno sredstvo politi\u010dkog utjecaja, oni ne\u0107e samo ugroziti sigurnost, suverenitet i teritorijalni integritet Kosova. S vremenom \u0107e se vjerojatno na meti na\u0107i i Bosna i Hercegovina i Crna Gora. Isto bi tako\u0111er rezultiralo daljnjim demokratskim nazadovanjem u Srbiji, \u0161to bi onda isto tako pove\u0107alo izglede za me\u0111udr\u017eavni sukob u regiji.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ni NATO ni EU ne mogu si priu\u0161titi jo\u0161 jednu multifrontalnu krizu u regiji, posebno s obzirom na nagli pad globalnih geopoliti\u010dkih uvjeta od velja\u010de 2022. Sukladno tome, preporuke u ovom izvje\u0161\u0107u, ako se provedu, ne samo da bi zna\u010dajno pobolj\u0161ale stabilnost i sigurnost Kosova, ve\u0107 ali bi isto tako osigurao interese Zapada u odr\u017eavanju mirnog okru\u017eenja diljem zapadnog Balkana.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>To je, u kona\u010dnici, i klju\u010dna analiti\u010dka poanta ovog teksta: nagla\u0161avanje da je u interesu euroatlantske zajednice, prije svega, imati suvereno, demokratsko Kosovo, \u010dija se sigurnost vjerodostojno odr\u017eava njezinim vlastite slu\u017ebe za provo\u0111enje zakona i sigurnost. Srbija je u tom pogledu, na sada\u0161njem kursu, protivnik, a ne partner. No, u\u010dvr\u0161\u0107ivanjem zapadne potpore i predanosti Kosovu, mo\u017eemo s vremenom osigurati da srpska politi\u010dka klasa shvati da je njezina trenutna maksimalisti\u010dka putanja gubitni\u010dka tvrdnja: na me\u0111unarodnoj, ali i na unutarnjoj razini. Sna\u017ena, suverena kosovska dr\u017eava \u2013 zajedno s Bosnom i Hercegovinom i Crnom Gorom \u2013 daleko je od najve\u0107eg alata na raspolaganju euroatlantskoj zajednici da kona\u010dno olak\u0161a istinsko prihva\u0107anje srbijanskog dru\u0161tva da su jugoslavenski ratovi gotovi i da su srpski nacionalisti- ekspanzionisti\u010dki projekt \u2013 bio on stiliziran kao \u201cVelika Srbija\u201d ili \u201cSrpski svijet\u201d \u2013 pora\u017een je.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Preporuka 1: Zamrznuti dijalog Pri\u0161tine i Beograda u o\u010dekivanju potpunog i nepristranog izvje\u0161\u0107a o doga\u0111ajima u Banjskoj od strane NATO operativne skupine<br>Poku\u0161aj nastavka dijaloga Pri\u0161tine i Beograda u ovom trenutku nije mudar i nerazuman. Prvo, uzimaju\u0107i u obzir izostanak formalnih sankcija protiv Srbije od strane SAD-a i EU-a nakon doga\u0111aja u Banjskoj, takav napor implicitno \u0161alje signal da je politi\u010dki Zapad voljan tolerirati upotrebu sile u oblikovanju i usmjeravanju politi\u010dkih pregovora izme\u0111u dvije strane. Kao signal cijeloj regiji Zapadnog Balkana, ovo je duboko destruktivno za vlastiti interes Zapada u promicanju me\u0111unarodnih normi i vladavine prava. Niti Kosovo, kao suverena dr\u017eava, ne mo\u017ee dopustiti da bude prisiljeno na politi\u010dke ili diplomatske pregovore s vladom koja poti\u010de nasilje na njegovom teritoriju; to je politi\u010dki suicidalan prijedlog za svaku demokratsku vladu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Drugo, inzistiranje na nastavku dijaloga ide u suprotnost s jasno izra\u017eenim na\u010delima zapadne politike u drugim teku\u0107im geopoliti\u010dkim \u017eari\u0161tima, prije svega u Ukrajini i Izraelu. I u slu\u010daju ruske agresije na Ukrajinu i Hamasovih teroristi\u010dkih napada na Izrael, SAD i druge prijestolnice Kvinte odbacile su pregovore kao uvjerljivu alternativu temeljnim sigurnosnim interesima ukrajinske i izraelske dr\u017eave. Iako Kosovo nije u stanju aktivnog rata, Srbija je o\u010dito pokrenula hibridnu kampanju protiv zemlje i njezinih gra\u0111ana, te kao takvo Kosovo mora inzistirati na istim temeljnim sigurnosnim na\u010delima kao Ukrajina i Izrael. Naime, mora osigurati potpunu pravno-politi\u010dku kontrolu nad svakim djeli\u0107em svog teritorija prije nego \u0161to kredibilno mo\u017ee razmotriti bilo kakvu alternativnu administrativno-ustavnu reformu(e) dr\u017eave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Neuspjeh da se to u\u010dini samo \u0107e olak\u0161ati pojavu paralelnog, protivni\u010dkog politi\u010dkog re\u017eima na teritoriju Kosova, \u010dak i ako je isti nominalno ugra\u0111en u ustavni poredak zemlje. Dovoljno je samo pogledati entitet Republiku Srpsku u BiH i njegove secesionisti\u010dke vlasti da bi se uvidjelo da \u0107e dijalog i decentralizacija bez funkcionalnog, racionalnog pravosudno-sigurnosnog aparata, koji nesmetano djeluje na cijelom teritoriju dr\u017eave, proizvesti samo jo\u0161 ve\u0107i kaos. Kao takvo, ponovno uspostavljanje mogu\u0107nosti za nastavak dijaloga zahtijeva potpuni izvje\u0161taj o doga\u0111ajima u Banjskoj od strane nepristranog entiteta tre\u0107e strane kao \u0161to je KFOR ili pridru\u017eena atlantska obavje\u0161tajna slu\u017eba. Nakon \u0161to se \u010dinjenice o napadu u potpunosti utvrde, a po\u010dinitelji budu odgovaraju\u0107e sankcionirani (u politi\u010dkom i pravnom smislu), dijalog se mo\u017ee nastaviti s ciljem stvaranja pravednog, ali i funkcionalnog okvira za budu\u0107e upravljanje Kosovom.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Preporuka 2: Pove\u0107ana sigurnosna pomo\u0107 Kosovskoj policiji i Kosovskim sigurnosnim snagama<br>Kao \u0161to je gore navedeno, Kosovo mora biti priznato kao suverena strana u kontekstu spora sa Srbijom, bez obzira na stav(ove) Beograda i pet EU-a koje ga ne priznaju. U skladu s tim, Kosovo ima pravo na sve iste odredbe dr\u017eavnosti kao i bilo koji drugi suvereni akter, \u010diji je najtemeljniji aspekt sigurnosni monopol nad cijelim teritorijem dr\u017eavnog teritorija. Kosovska policija i Kosovske sigurnosne snage (KSF) stoga trebaju stalnu, ali i pove\u0107anu potporu kako bi mogli projicirati silu i odr\u017eavati zakon i red u svim dijelovima Kosova, uklju\u010duju\u0107i sjever.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Tijekom napada na Banjsku, kosovska policija pokazala se kao u\u010dinkovita i profesionalna snaga, sposobna vje\u0161to odbiti visoko sofisticirani paravojni napad uz podr\u0161ku dr\u017eave. Ali Srbija bez sumnje nastavlja u\u017eivati zna\u010dajnu vojnu prednost protiv Kosova. Stoga je od najve\u0107e va\u017enosti da NATO pomogne kosovskim agencijama za provedbu zakona i sigurnosnim agencijama u (ponovnom) uspostavljanju vjerodostojnog kapaciteta odvra\u0107anja, s ciljem uspostave \u0161ire, regionalne ravnote\u017ee mo\u0107i protiv Beograda.<br>Kosovske vlasti trebale bi priop\u0107iti Kvinti i NATO-u koji su im to\u010dni resursi potrebni, ali o\u010dito je da \u0107e ovaj popis nu\u017eno uklju\u010divati dodatna oklopna vozila visoke mobilnosti za kosovsku policiju, protuoklopne i protutopni\u010dke sustave za KSS, kao i pomo\u0107ni helikopteri za hitne slu\u017ebe u zemlji (usp. isporuku ameri\u010dkih helikoptera Huey II Oru\u017eanim snagama Bosne i Hercegovine 2022. godine).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Preporuka 3: Poni\u0161tavanje mjera SAD-a i EU-a protiv Kosova<br>U me\u0111uvremenu je imperativ da se poni\u0161te mjere SAD-a i EU protiv Kosova, uvedene ranije ove godine nakon srpskih nacionalisti\u010dkih nemira u Zve\u010danu, koji su rezultirali ozljedama vi\u0161e od dvadesetak vojnika KFOR-a. Ove kvazisankcije nedvojbeno su dodatno ohrabrile Vu\u010di\u0107a i pridru\u017eene srpske ekstremisti\u010dke elemente uo\u010di napada na Banjsku i pove\u0107ale postoje\u0107u asimetriju u stavu me\u0111unarodne zajednice prema dvjema stranama.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Zapadni du\u017enosnici mo\u017eda \u0107e i dalje biti uznemireni protivljenjem Kurtijeve vlade jednostranom uvo\u0111enju Bruxelleskog sporazuma iz 2013., odnosno daljnjem decentraliziranju lokalnih vlasti na nekolicinu op\u0107ina sa srpskom ve\u0107inom na sjeveru bez ikakvog politi\u010dkog pokreta iz Beograda. Ali Kurtijeva vlada ponudila je razumne ustupke prema ostvarenju istih, a njezina zabrinutost oko srbijanskog naoru\u017eavanja kriminalnih i ekstremisti\u010dkih elemenata na sjeveru pokazala se, na\u017ealost, dalekovidnom i to\u010dnom. Osobito u vezi s premijerovim \u010destim uspore\u0111ivanjem postoje\u0107ih modaliteta \u201cZajednice srpskih op\u0107ina\u201d koje podr\u017eavaju SAD i EU s propalim modelom Republike Srpske iz Bosne i Hercegovine.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Razgovori izme\u0111u Pri\u0161tine i Kvinte o alternativnim shemama upravljanja za sjever Kosova mogu se i moraju nastaviti; ne samo zato \u0161to se \u010dini da je Pri\u0161tina jedina strana u sporu voljna raspravljati i raspravljati o ovim stvarima. Ali takvi razgovori mogu biti istinski plodonosni samo ako SAD i EU isprave pogre\u0161ku svojih ranijih mjera protiv Kosova. Za Pri\u0161tinu je osiguranje ovog preokreta politike osnovno pitanje demokratske odgovornosti prema vlastitim gra\u0111anima, koji su jasno pokazali da ne\u0107e tolerirati vlade koje kompromitiraju osnovne sigurnosne i politi\u010dke interese zemlje. Na\u017ealost, s obzirom na nepostojanje istinskih demokratskih procesa u Srbiji, to se ne mo\u017ee re\u0107i za re\u017eim u Beogradu.<br>Preporuka 4: Trenuta\u010dni prijem Kosova u NATO Partnerstvo za mir<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Tako\u0111er bi se trebali poduzeti mali, ali iznimno zna\u010dajni potezi kako bi se pobolj\u0161ao polo\u017eaj Kosova u me\u0111unarodnoj zajednici. Vjerojatno bi najutjecajniji od njih \u2013 koji bi tako\u0111er pobolj\u0161ao sigurnosno stanje i kapacitete zemlje \u2013 bio prijem Pri\u0161tine u NATO-ov program Partnerstvo za mir (PfP).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>To je odluka koju NATO mo\u017ee donijeti bez suglasnosti ili doprinosa Srbije, Rusije ili Kine. Najzna\u010dajnija prepreka je nepriznavanje suvereniteta Kosova od strane \u010detiriju dr\u017eava \u010dlanica NATO-a. Ipak, Savez nedvojbeno ima kapacitet osigurati prijem Kosova u PfP program \u010dak i ako zemlje koje ga ne priznaju formalno zadr\u017ee svoje postoje\u0107e stavove; jednostavno bi se morali ne protiviti ulasku Kosova u program. Odnosno, ne trebaju podr\u017eati te\u017enje Kosova za PzM, samo se trebaju suzdr\u017eati.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>To bi bio razuman kompromis jer bi omogu\u0107io \u010detirima zemljama koje ne priznaju da uglavnom zadr\u017ee svoje trenutne diplomatske pozicije, dok bi pobolj\u0161ali me\u0111unarodni polo\u017eaj Kosova i sposobnost NATO-a da modernizira i razvije obrambene sposobnosti Pri\u0161tine. To bi tako\u0111er poslalo nu\u017ean signal Beogradu da atlantska zajednica ne\u0107e tolerirati njegove opstrukcionisti\u010dke aktivnosti na neodre\u0111eno vrijeme. Kona\u010dno, to bi bio i pucanj preko luka Rusije i Kine, koje sve vi\u0161e dolaze do stava da one, a ne NATO, odre\u0111uju uvjete anga\u017emana na Zapadnom Balkanu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Preporuka 5: Poja\u010dani diplomatski pritisak na 5 zemalja koje ne priznaju EU da otklju\u010daju izglede Kosova za EU i NATO<br>Kao \u0161to je navedeno u cijelom tekstu, sada\u0161nja asimetrija u me\u0111unarodnim statusima Srbije i Kosova samo je pogor\u0161ala prividnu nerazrje\u0161ivost spora. To\u010dnije, umjetno je oja\u010dao opstrukcionisti\u010dki stav Srbije, iako su SAD i EU potro\u0161ili ogroman diplomatski i politi\u010dki kapital kako bi pomaknuli dvije strane prema normalizaciji. Ipak, nije Srbija per se ta koja je dopustila da ova asimetrija opstane; upravo su tvrdoglavi stavovi pet zemalja koje ne priznaju EU dopustili da ovaj problem metastazira u veliku geopoliti\u010dku slabu to\u010dku cijele euroatlantske zajednice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Prijestolnice Kvinte moraju izvr\u0161iti daleko ve\u0107i diplomatski pritisak na svoje kolege iz ove skupine kako bi ih potaknule, pojedina\u010dno i kolektivno, prema punom priznanju suvereniteta Kosova. Mora se jasno objasniti da ovo vi\u0161e nije pitanje isklju\u010divo doma\u0107ih prioriteta; to je pitanje vjerodostojnosti i integriteta cjelokupnog euroatlantskog projekta, na Zapadnom Balkanu i \u0161ire. Trenuta\u010dno, na primjer, i visoki predstavnik EU za vanjsku politiku i izaslanik EU za dijalog Pri\u0161tina-Beograd dolaze iz dr\u017eava koje nisu priznale EU. To je apsurdno i prirodno potkopava vjerodostojnost EU kao po\u0161tenog posrednika u ovom sporu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Promjena samo jedne od pet prijestolnica koje ne priznaju (me\u0111u kojima se smatra da \u0107e Atena najvjerojatnije popustiti) zna\u010dajno bi izmijenila strate\u0161ki krajolik odnosa Kosova i Srbije i kona\u010dno kona\u010dno rje\u0161enje u\u010dinila mnogo vjerojatnijim. To bi zna\u010dajno potkopalo vjerodostojnost tvrdolinija\u0161kog nacionalisti\u010dkog establi\u0161menta u Beogradu i poslalo jasan signal cijeloj srpskoj politi\u010dkoj klasi da \u0107e euroatlantska zajednica krenuti naprijed s integracijom Kosova u demokratski poredak \u2013 bez obzira na prosvjede Beograda ili njegovih partneri u Moskvi i Pekingu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Zaklju\u010dci<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ove preporuke, \u010dak i da se provedu, ne bi odmah dovele do trajnog rje\u0161enja spora izme\u0111u Kosova i Srbije, uglavnom zato \u0161to je bit problema i dalje, kao \u0161to je bio ve\u0107i dio posljednja tri desetlje\u0107a, u nepopustljivom nacionalisti\u010dkom politi\u010dkom konsenzusu u Beograd. Ali ove preporuke nude put ka smanjenju na\u0161e kolektivne ovisnosti o (nepostoje\u0107oj) dobroj volji Vu\u010di\u0107evog re\u017eima. Umjesto toga, nagla\u0161ava djelotvorne mjere koje danas mo\u017ee poduzeti euroatlantska zajednica, uglavnom bez brige ili interakcije s Beogradom ili njegovim partnerima u Kremlju ili Pekingu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ovaj tekst jasno pokazuje da budu\u0107nost sigurnosti i suvereniteta Kosova ne zahtijeva pristanak geopoliti\u010dkih protivnika Zapada, kako velikih tako i malih. Euroatlantska zajednica mo\u017ee u\u010diniti velike korake prema dovo\u0111enju ove mlade demokratske dr\u017eave u svoje okrilje isklju\u010divo vlastitom voljom, i to u vrijeme kada su Zapadu prijeko potrebne strate\u0161ke i simboli\u010dne pobjede. Uspje\u0161na realizacija ovog programa isplatila bi se i sigurnosti i stabilnosti susjednih dr\u017eava, prije svega Bosne i Hercegovine i Crne Gore, a samim time unaprijedila bi se i kolektivna sigurnost cijele regije.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ostaje za vidjeti imaju li europski i ameri\u010dki donositelji odluka politi\u010dku volju krenuti prema stabilnijem i sigurnijem zapadnom Balkanu.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The Serb nationalist paramilitary attack in Banjska, in northern Kosovo, which resulted in the deaths of one Kosovo police officer and the wounding of two more, represents the most serious instance of violence in the country since the end of the 1999 war and the accompanying NATO intervention. In Banjska we see demonstrative proof that<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":4716,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"twitterCardType":"","cardImageID":0,"cardImage":"","cardTitle":"","cardDesc":"","cardImageAlt":"","cardPlayer":"","cardPlayerWidth":0,"cardPlayerHeight":0,"cardPlayerStream":"","cardPlayerCodec":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[27,1],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-4715","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-analysis","8":"category-publications"},"aioseo_notices":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v22.7 (Yoast SEO v27.4) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Kosovo and the Western Balkans Security Order after Banjska: Policy Recommendations from the Octopus Institute for Hybrid Warfare Studies - Octopus Institute<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/octopusinstitute.com\/hr\/kosovo-and-the-western-balkans-security-order-after-banjska-policy-recommendations-from-the-octopus-institute-for-hybrid-warfare-studies\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"hr_HR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Kosovo and the Western Balkans Security Order after Banjska: Policy Recommendations from the Octopus Institute for Hybrid Warfare Studies\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The Serb nationalist paramilitary attack in Banjska, in northern Kosovo, which resulted in the deaths of one Kosovo police officer and the wounding of two more, represents the most serious instance of violence in the country since the end of the 1999 war and the accompanying NATO intervention. 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